The previous text contains only four articles; It is this short text that is the legal agreement, but it contains the latter agreement in its timetables.  Technically, this proposed agreement can be distinguished as a multi-party agreement, unlike the Belfast Agreement itself.  The agreement consists of two related documents, both agreed on Good Friday, 10 April 1998 in Belfast: the agreement was rejected by the Republicans because it confirmed the status of Northern Ireland as part of the United Kingdom. The Provisional Republican Army of Ireland (IRA) continued its violent campaign and did not support the agreement. Sinn Féin President Gerry Adams condemned the agreement: “… formal recognition of the division of Ireland… [it`s] a disaster for the nationalist cause… [it] far outweighs Dublin`s impotent advisory role.  On the other hand, the IRA and Sinn Féin claimed that Britain`s concessions were the result of their armed campaign, which gave political recognition to the SDLP.  Brian Feeney of the SDLP proposed that the agreement expedite Sinn Féins` 1986 decision to abandon the abstention of the Republic`s Oireachtas.  The agreement was adopted by Seanad Iireann by 88 votes to 75 and by 37 votes to 16.
  The Irish nationalist Fianna Féil party, the main opposition party in Ireland, also rejected the agreement. Fianna-Fiil leader Charles Haughey said the agreement was contrary to Articles 2 and 3 of the Irish Constitution because it had officially recognised British jurisdiction in Northern Ireland. He was also rejected by independent Republican TDs Neil Blaney and Tony Gregory, as a “con job” agreement. Despite this opposition, all the other major parties of the Republic supported the agreement ratified by the Oireachtas. The agreement established the Anglo-Irish IGC, made up of officials from the British and Irish governments. The body focused on political, legal and security issues in Northern Ireland, as well as the `promotion of cross-border cooperation`. It had only an advisory function – it was not empowered to make decisions or change the law.  The conference would have only the power to put forward proposals “to the extent that these issues are not the responsibility of a decentralised administration in Northern Ireland.” This provision should encourage trade unionists (who, through the conference, opposed the Irish government`s participation in Northern Ireland) in a deceded power-sharing government. Maryfield`s secretariat was the permanent secretariat of the conference, which included officials from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Republic, headquartered in the suburb of Maryfield in Belfast. The presence of civil servants of the Republic has mainly outraged trade unionists. [Citation required] Maryfield`s offices were closed in December 1998, after the Anglo-Irish Intergovernmental Conference succeeded the Anglo-Irish Intergovernmental Conference.
 Issues of sovereignty, civil and cultural rights, dismantling of weapons, demilitarization, justice and the police were essential to the agreement.